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Does privatization of human services provide the benefits of market
competition?
Tools to Assess Whether Privatization is the Best
Choice for Children by the National Association of Child Advocates
The political pressure to privatize children’s programs is often largely
based on the assumption that private industry, with the benefit of market
competition, can provide better services at a cheaper price. But the nature of
human services precludes true competitive markets in many cases. Advocates and
policy makers need to scrutinize whether private industry really can provide
better services or cheaper prices, when a children’s service is in question.
A competitive market should have four
characteristics: many buyers and sellers, low market entry and
exit barriers, sufficient information and a
homogeneous product. But as economists understand, not
every market is a perfectly competitive market. In
a typical effort to privatize human services, none of the
elements which characterize a competitive market
exists. The result is that privatization of human services can actually
cost more than public administration.
Case in Point – the Impact of Privatization
on Price and Services
When there are only a few buyers and
sellers instead of many: Both the bidders and the purchaser have
control over the price – the price they set
helps determine the price the market will bear.
Most commonly, where there are only a few sellers, they
can afford to charge more than providing the service
will cost them. In essence, they have a
monopoly.
Example: In Arizona, the state enacted
legislation that set a formula to determine pricing for
the contract to privatize their welfare system.
Ultimately only one company submitted a bid. Since
state legislation mandated that privatization occur on a
set time frame, this prevented the state from
selecting among bidders for the best services or cheapest price.
When there are high market barriers to entry instead of low market
entries: New companies need access to lots of capital to enter the market.
This means that even when there is new demand for
a product or service and prices rise, few companies
will enter the market to force the price back down. If
they do enter the market, they can be expected to charge
a higher rate. In the human services industry, the
public sector agency has already made the necessary
initial investments. Although many privatization efforts
do
not allow the public agency to bid, when offered
the opportunity to bid, the public agency often
can continue to provide the service at a lower cost than
a new private vendor.
Example: In Indianapolis the public agency
won the bid to provide fleet maintenance contract services as the lowest cost bidder.
When there is insufficient
information: Vendors are likely to charge more in order to ensure that
they can meet their expenses and profit margins
given unknown variables such as costs. With a
long-term contract, vendors also may charge more to
cover anticipated future increases in costs. If costs
subsequently fall, the purchaser will not get the benefit
of those savings. If the vendor underestimates costs,
the initial price may be low but the state may end
up paying for large cost overruns in order to ensure
that services are provided.
Example: When Kansas privatized its child welfare system, it was unable to provide the
bidders complete and accurate information about the
state’s current costs of providing foster care. As a
result, bidders severely underbid and Kansas has
since experienced large cost overruns. Similarly,
when Connecticut privatized the administration of its
child care program, there was insufficient information
on costs and the selected vendor underbid.
Ultimately, in order to continue to provide adequate services
the state agency was forced to significantly increase
their payments per case.
When there is a highly customized product
rather than a homogeneous one: While several states
might be privatizing similar systems, generally each state is
so unique that the product must be tailored to its
needs, producing several markets rather than
one.
Example: In many states, the purchase of
child support automation has resulted in large delays
and cost overruns because of the need to customize
the computer systems to that state’s particular legal
and organizational structure.
NACA is a nationwide network of state and local child advocacy organizations.
Its mission is to improve the lives and living conditions of children by
strengthening child advocacy organizations in states and communities.
Information on NACA and on its 63 member organizations can also be found at www.childadvocacy.org or by contacting
Deborah Stein, NACA Devolution Project Director at (202) 289 0777.
The “Privatization” issue section
at www.stateaction.org provides additional resources
to help policymakers and advocates evaluate
privatization proposals. These include additional NACA fact
sheets focused on children’s services, a model assessment
bill with indicators applicable in many areas, and
information and model bills on prison privatization.
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ALTERNATIVES
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Alternatives is a publication of the Center for Policy Alternatives – a nonpartisan progressive public policy and leadership development center serving state legislators, state policy organizations, and state grassroots leaders. Alternatives is indexed in Urban Affairs Abstracts. ISSN #1070-3047
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Tim McFeeley, Executive Director
Jane Gruenebaum, Chief Operating Officer
Linda Tarr-Whelan, Board Chair
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STATE NETWORKS
Diallo Brooks, Southeast Director
Bettye Jo Pakulis, Northeast Director
Jesse Romero, Southwest Director
John Freeman, Midwest Consultant
Jewel James, State Networks Manager
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POLICY/COMMUNICATIONS
Bernie Horn, Senior Director, Policy & Communications
Kirsten Lindquist, Assoc. Director, Policy
Liz Cattaneo, Assoc. Dir., Communications
Star Wilbraham, Communications Assistant
Rachel Balick, Intern
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PROGRAM INITIATIVES
Jen Ray, Senior Director, Program Initiatives
Helen Gonzales, Senior Manager, Work and Family Investment
John Wilcox, Senior Manager, Technology Policy
Jennifer Woolley, Senior Manager, Women and the Economy Program
Christine Broderick, Intern, Women and the Economy
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LEADERSHIP
Carolina Zumaran-Jones, Director, Eleanor Roosevelt Global Leadership Institute & Flemming Fellows Leadership Institute
Maura Hutchens, Manager, ERGLI & FFLI
Meredith Gurwith, Intern, ERGLI
Rebecca Valerin, Intern, FFLI
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ADMINISTRATION/FINANCE
Maxine G. Somerville, Senior Director of Administration and Human Resources
Tom Gilmer, Chief Financial Officer
Chantel McCloud, Manager, Payroll & A/P
John Wilcox, General Counsel
Shawn Hayden, Office Manager
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DEVELOPMENT
Chris Rutledge, Associate Director of Development
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